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outpatient mental health clinics in the greater Los Angeles area were recruited for the study. All fi ve referring clinics were receiving partial or total funding from the Los Angeles County Department of Mental Health, and four of the clinics were ethnic-specifi c or "parallel" services staff ed by bilingual, bicultural Asian clinicians and serving primarily Asian American patients. Clinic staff was asked to approach all patients <a href="http://anfu.putianb2b.com/"><strong>安ç¦�QQ在线</strong></a> who met the following eligibility criteria: (a) of Asian or Asian American descent; (b) over age 18; (c) diagnosed (by psychiatric staff of the referring clinic) with DSM-III-R or DSV-IV schizophrenic disorder, schizoaff ective disorder, mood disorder, or other psychotic disorder involving at least one past psychotic episode; (d) in regular contact with at least one family member; (e) psychosis not due to organic factors or Cheap mbt shoes substance abuse; (f) not currently diagnosed with an active case of post-traumatic stress disorder. (p. 59) Now, the best estimate of the prevalence rate of schizophrenia is 1% of the general p mbt shoes clearance sale opulation (Regier et al., 1993). We also know from other research that Asian Americans with mental illness may not seek mental health services because of stigma and shame (Sue &amp; Sue, 1999). Th ese facts, along with the fact that Asian Americans still make up only 4% of the U.S. population (Reeves &amp; Bennett, 2004), combine to make recruitment for the study described above quite challenging just in terms of locating participants who meet all the eligibility criteria AND are willing to volunteer in a psychology research study. Th e data collection for this study—which consisted of conducting individual interviews with 62 patients and 40 family members in 6 diff erent languages (English, Cantonese, Mandarin, Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese) took two years. As the above example (Okazaki, 2000) shows, it is quite challenging to conduct research with Asian Americans in the community, especially if the research involves rare or stigmatized phenomena. Consequently, much research in Asian American psychology is conducted with college participants due to the convenience of recruiting these populations. For example, all fi ve studies in Cheryan and Monin's (2005) research on identity denial were conducted with university students. Would you expect the results to be diff erent if the same studies were conducted with people who were not college students? 58 . Asian American Psychology On a diff erent note, what does a researcher do if he or she is interested in Asian American participants who are not in college, or if he or she does not have ready access to any Asian Am mbt clearance erican participants, perhaps because the research is conducted where there are few Asian Americans? A common method for many researchers who wish to recruit research participants from the community is called snowball sampling, whereby a researcher starts with a known group of participants who then recruits others to participate in the study. Oft en, researchers tap into intact ethnic organizations, such as kinship associations, professional associations, religious centers, and social clubs, for participants. While these organizations provide good sources of participants, they too represent a narrow subset of Asian Americans (Okazaki &amp; Sue, 1995), and therefore the fi ndings generalized from these samples should be interpreted with caution. Surname-based telephone survey methodology has been used in several studies with Asian Americans. Telephone directories have been found to be reliable in identifying potential research participants because some Asian Americans have unique ethnic surnames that can be associated with specifi c groups (e.g., "Singh" or "Patel" for South Asians, "Kim" for Koreans, "Chan" or "Wang" for Chinese, "Tanaka" or "Suzuki" for Japanese, "Nguyen" for Vietnamese). Sasao (1994) also suggests that using this methodology can be cost eff ective (compared to face-to-face interviewing) and reliable as long as researchers use telephone lists with clearly identifi able surnames. He found that this methodology may not be quite as eff ective with the Filipino American community because many Filipino Americans have Hispanic surnames due to Spanish colonization of the Philippines f mbt online rom the 16th to 19th centuries. What Do We Mean by "Asian American?" In refl ecting on appropriate research methods for studying the psychological experiences of Asian Americans, Tanaka, Ebreo, Linn, and Morera (1998) asked the following two questions: "What does the researcher assume when he or she sets out to study Asian American populations, and what do Asian American research participants believe about the extent to which their ‘Asian Americanness' serves as a guide to their behavior?" (p. 22). Th ese two questions also keep many Asian American psychology researchers up at night. Pan-Asian American Concepts In heeding Tanaka et al.'s (1998) suggested questions, we must ask ourselves wha mbt sale t assumptions we are making by studying Asian Americans. What is it about being "Asian American" that we really care about, and to what extent does being "Asian American" aff ect how our research participants perform in our research study? When we construct a research study on Asian Americans, what is the "thing" that we are studying? Is "it" culture, race, or ethnicity? Is "it" minority status? One pitfall researchers <a href="http://www.putianb2b.com/"><strong>莆田鞋业</strong></a> in Asian American psychology oft en fa mbt shoes ll prey to is not being clear about what they mean when using the term Asian American. Sometimes researchers use the term as a demographic variable. Other times, researchers use the term as a proxy for something else that goes with "Asian American," such as culture, race, ethnicity, or minority status. Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady (1999) wanted to study how performance in a particular domain (in this case, math) is aff ected when an individual is conscious of a stereotype associated with that domain for the identity group to which they belong. Th ey recruited Asian American women college students to be in their experiment. Before taking a diffi cult math test, some research participants were asked questions that elicited their ethnic identity in a subtle manner (e.g., "what language do you speak at home?") whereas other participants were asked questions that emphasized their gender (e.g., "do you live in a co-ed dorm?"). Which group of Asian American women do you think performed better on the math test in this experiment? Th ink about the stereotypes held about the math abilities of Asian Americans. Research Methods . 59 What about stereotypes about the math abilities of women? You can probably guess who performed better on a math test—th discount mbt trainers ose primed with their racial/ethnic identity or those primed with their gender identity. Yes, those who were primed with their racial/ethnic identity performed better than those primed with their gender identity. Th e auth mbt uk ors argue that this is because women are negatively stereotyped as being worse in math than men and Asian Americans are positively stereotyped as being really good in math. In the example given, what is it about being "Asian American" that the researchers care about? Clearly, the researchers are using "Asian American" as more than just a demographic variable. Th ey know that something about being "Asian American" aff ects participants' performance. In the case of this study, being "Asian American" meant more than simply being Asian American but also being aware of the societal stereotypes about Asian Americans' math abilities and performing according to the stereotypes. We must also think about the extent to which being "Asian <a href="http://cms.putianb2b.com/"><strong>安ç¦�家å›*</strong></a> American" aff ects the participants in our study. In the study presented above, being "Asian American" had a large impact on how participants performed on a math test. Let's discuss why it is important to consider how being "Asian American" or being, for example, Chinese American, aff ects research participants. Tsai, Ying, and Lee (2000) sought to understand the variations of meanings attached to "being Chinese" and "being American" among three diff erent groups of Chines mbt kisumu e Americans: those born in the United States, those who immigrated to the United States before or at age 12, and those who immigrated aft er age 12. Th ey found that the three groups, despite all identifying as "Chinese American," derived diff erent meanings from their Chinese and American identities. For example, whereas the American-born Chinese in the study felt that they could be both Chinese and American, immigrant Chinese Americans felt that being American meant being less Chinese and vice versa. Th is study shows us that it is important for researchers to understand not only what they mean by "Asian American," but also what their participants mean by "Asian American." Ethnic Specifi city You will recall that at the start of the chapter, we mentioned that researchers in Asian American psychology oft en question whether many of the generalizations made in the fi eld of psychology can be wholeheartedly applied to Asian Americans. As a racial group, Asian Americans represent diverse ethnic groups and cultures—that is to say, Asian Americans are a very heterogeneous population to study. Th us, one consideration researchers must think about is how specifi c a population they want to focus on in their research study. Do they want to examine Asian Americans as a group, or do they want to examine a specifi c ethnic group, such as Vietnamese Americans? Again, the answer to these questions depends on what it is that researchers want to study and why. If researchers believe that there mbt stockists is a common element that all Asian Americans share, they might be best served by studying a diverse sample of Asian Americans. If they believe that Asian Americans from one country of origin, such as Chinese Americans, might diff er from Asian Americans from another country of origin, such as Japanese Americans, they might want to examine those two ethnic <a href="http://socialdofollow.com/userrss.php?user=janiceftg0b&status=all"><strong>è Ž†ç”°éž‹ä¸š</strong></a> groups separately. Of course, researchers must have a good guess about what it is that makes their sample somewhat homogeneous, such as common cultural elements, religion, immigration status, or socioeconomic status. It should be noted here that the body of knowledge of Asian American psychology has been built largely on studies that oft en only included East Asian Americans (especially Chinese Americans cheap mbt shoes and Japanese Americans). A part of this is due to the fact that for the fi rst two decades of Asian American psychology (the 1970s and the 1980s), Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans were most numerous on university campuses relative to other Asian ethnic groups, and thus most accessible to researchers. Th e demographic of the Asian American population 60 . Asian American Psychology E. J. R. David is an assistant professor at the University of Alaska. Born in the Phillippines, David immigrated to the United States at the age of 14 and lived in Alaska until graduate school. He is now back in Alaska as a professor, where his research focuses on colonial mentality, a set of psychological processes, and eff ects of colonization and oppression. Q: Why are you interested in studying Filipino Americans? A: Because most studies in Asian American psychology are based either on East Asian samples or on aggregate multiethnic samples that usually fail to capture the unique experiences of Filipino American discount mbt trainers s. Filipinos compose the 2nd largest Asian group in the United States, but psychological research on this population is relatively fewer than other Asian groups. More importantly, there are many psychological concerns in the Filipino American community, including high rates of depression, suicide, alcohol and drug use, and school matriculation. Q: Do you think that research with East Asian Americans can be applied to Filipino Americans? A: Of course, in some ways, but not all East Asian concepts can be appropriately applied to Filipino Americans. Filipinos have unique historical and cultural characteristics that make their psychological experiences diff erent from East Asians. Q: What makes Filipino Americans' experiences diff erent from that of other Asian Americans? A: Well, I think the most important diff erence is colonial history. Filipinos were colonized by Spain for over 350 years and by the United States for about 50 years, and in the United States, as well as at universities and colleges, in the past decade and a mbt shoes online half have shift ed to be increasingly diverse. Accordingly, we are starti